Fair Observer’s Video Producer Rohan Khattar Singh and investigative journalist Zweli Martin Dlamini from Eswatini discuss an obscure but startling policy under US President Donald Trump’s administration: the deportation of third-country migrants to Eswatini, a small, landlocked absolute monarchy in Southern Africa. Their conversation examines the secret deal that enabled these transfers, the money behind it and the political dynamics silencing public dissent inside the kingdom.
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Khattar Singh opens by asking why the United States is deporting illegal migrants who are not from Eswatini to this tiny nation of 1.2 million people. Dlamini says a secret agreement allowed the US to fly deportees in without informing Parliament, the public or even most cabinet ministers. Eswatini initially received ten people, but reports indicate the kingdom may have agreed to take as many as 160 more.
What shocked Liswatis the most was how they learned about the deal: not through their government, but through independent media. Dlamini notes that deportees were taken directly to the country’s most secure facility, the Matsapha Correctional Centre, or to other undisclosed detention centers.
The heart of the controversy is money. Early reporting suggested the monarchy would receive the equivalent of 10 billion in Swazi lilangeni, the local currency. Dlamini has what appears to be a revised version of the agreement, indicating a payment of $5.1 million. The exact amount continually changes, reflecting political pressure and legal challenges.
Human rights organizations in Southern Africa have filed constitutional petitions against the deportation program, forcing the government to defend an agreement that has never been publicly debated. The shifting figures reinforce the perception of a deal negotiated behind closed doors for reasons that have little to do with national security.
Why was the deal signed?
Khattar Singh inquires why Ngwenyama (King) Mswati III and Eswatini Prime Minister Russell Dlamini agreed to the arrangement. Dlamini points to political alignment between the Trump administration and Eswatini’s monarchy. The US, he argues, is currently “in full support of the … current status quo,” and Trump’s style of governing strengthens ties with non-democratic regimes. These warmer relations made Eswatini a convenient partner in Trump’s effort to fulfill his promise of mass deportations.
Dlamini believes the talks likely occurred in the context of broader negotiations over trade tariffs, where an offer to take deportees could have been framed as a gesture of goodwill to Washington.
Is Mswati III benefiting?
For Dlamini, the most troubling aspect is personal enrichment. When he first learned of the deportations, he immediately suspected that Mswati III had gained a great deal of money from them — and this suspicion was later confirmed. Under Eswatini’s absolute monarchy, all major funds entering the kingdom pass through or are known to the royal family. Dlamini argues the deportation agreement ultimately serves to “enlarge the pocket of the king and his royal family,” not strengthen national capacity or public welfare.
Is Eswatini accepting criminals?
The conversation then turns to who exactly is being deported. Dlamini says the documentation shows they are dangerous criminals previously convicted of “rape, child rape and murder.” Their arrival has already triggered alarm in neighboring South Africa. South Africa’s foreign ministry publicly warned that the move seeks to undermine the security of the entire region.
Eswatini does not have the resources to manage high-risk offenders from abroad. Housing criminals from multiple countries inside a small and politically fragile state raises serious safety concerns for the wider Southern African region.
Is the West dumping its problems?
Khattar Singh asks whether the US is outsourcing its immigration and security problems to weaker states. Dlamini says the pattern is unmistakable: Western governments are increasingly seeking to transfer migrants, detainees and even criminals to African, Asian or smaller European countries. He points to the United Kingdom–Rwanda and Italy–Albania plans, which involved sending asylum seekers to other nations for processing.
This must be understood through a wider geopolitical lens. The US, Dlamini suggests, often uses the movement of prisoners during periods of conflict or unrest to destabilize targeted regions, pointing to precedents in Syria and Mozambique. Whether intentional or not, sending high-risk deportees to Eswatini introduces volatility into the society.
Why are Liswatis silent?
Khattar Singh closes by asking why citizens are not openly resisting such an explosive policy. Dlamini describes Eswatini as being a deeply suppressed society where political parties have been banned since 1973 and where lethal force has repeatedly quashed dissent. For example, the 2021 pro-democracy protests ended when King Mswati III “unleashed the soldiers and the police to shoot and kill” protesters.
In a country where fear is woven into daily life, people rarely challenge the monarchy unless they feel personally threatened. Dlamini believes public opinion could shift only if a deported criminal were to escape and commit violent acts — an outcome he worries is entirely plausible.
[Lee Thompson-Kolar edited this piece.]
The views expressed in this article/podcast are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.
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