The Houthi movement, formally known as Ansar Allah, originated in Yemen’s north in the 1990s as a revivalist Zaydi Shia group. Initially framed around protecting religious and cultural identity, the group gradually transformed into a military and political force in large parts of northern Yemen.
In September 2014, the Houthis carried out a coup d’état, seizing the capital Sanaa and overthrowing Yemen’s internationally recognized government. By early 2015, they had dissolved parliament and declared themselves the ruling authority, claiming they had a divine right to govern. Their sudden rise triggered a regional intervention led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).
That same year, the Houthis attempted to extend their control into South Yemen, advancing on Aden. However, the Southern Resistance Movement pushed them back with help from the Arab Coalition during the Battle of Aden. The defeat prevented them from consolidating nationwide control and set the stage for a prolonged civil war, which continues today with heavy civilian casualties and devastation of infrastructure.
Iran and the Houthis: A strategic partnership
The Houthis’s endurance has been made possible in large part due to Iran’s support. Tehran has supplied the group with advanced drones, missiles, training and intelligence through the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and Quds Force. While not sharing identical religious doctrine — Zaydi versus Twelver Shi’ism — their partnership is strategic, not theological.
Iran uses the Houthis as a proxy force to exert influence across the Red Sea and pressure Saudi Arabia and Israel. Analysts note that after the weakening of Hezbollah in Lebanon and the collapse of Syria’s Assad regime as a reliable ally, the Houthis remain one of Iran’s last strong partners in the Middle East.
This alignment has pulled Yemen deeper into regional geopolitics, linking its internal war with the larger Iran–Israel–Gulf rivalry.
Escalation with Israel
Since 2023, the Houthis have positioned themselves as defenders of Gaza, launching missile and drone attacks toward Israel and against Israeli-linked shipping in the Red Sea.
Israel escalated in response. In late August 2025, an Israeli airstrike in Sanaa killed Houthi Prime Minister Ahmed Ghaleb al-Rahawi along with several senior officials — one of the most high-profile assassinations of the war. Tens of thousands attended the funerals, chanting against the US and Israel. The Houthis vowed revenge, but the strike also ignited domestic debate over whether the group’s regional adventurism is dragging Yemen into yet another war.
Crackdown and humanitarian fallout
In the days following the strike, Houthi forces raided UN offices in Sanaa and Hodeidah, detaining at least 11 aid workers from agencies including the World Food Program (WFP), the UN International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF) and the World Health Organization (WHO). The arrests further disrupted humanitarian operations in a country where millions rely on foreign aid.
The UN condemned the detentions, demanding “immediate and unconditional release.” Critics argue that the crackdown reflects the Houthis’s increasing authoritarianism as their domestic legitimacy falters.
A nation on the brink
The Houthis’s narrative — that Yemen is under siege because they support Gaza — has long helped them rally domestic backing. But this strategy is losing potency. Many Yemenis now argue the group is sacrificing national interests for political theater, plunging an already shattered country into deeper chaos.
Economically, the Houthis face growing fragility. With the war crippling Yemen’s economy, further military adventurism could undermine the Houthis’s ability to maintain control over their northern stronghold, held since 2014.
For Yemenis, the consequences are stark: renewed conflict, worsening humanitarian strain and the risk of complete state collapse. What began as a local insurgency has now drawn in Iran, Israel and regional powers, making Yemen’s crisis a fault line of Middle Eastern geopolitics.
[Kaitlyn Diana edited this piece.]
The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Fair Observer’s editorial policy.
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